Fourth-wave feminism needs to engage in social innovation, implement verified feminist social innovation in response to problems identified by feminist critique and furthermore overturn the male monopoly on violence without in most jurisdictions breaking the law of the land. Feminism in re-appropriating and empowering the domain of the feminine needs to become the movement against structural oppression generally whether this is social, economic, physical or governmental and irrespective of assigned class/type of body or social group. Fourth-wave feminism needs embrace and defend the values of liberty through democratic realism for these are precisely what enable feminism itself to emerge, exist, develop, thrive and prevail indeed.
First-wave organized feminism for over a century sought formal emancipation as culminating in attaining the right to vote in many countries around 1920. Second-wave feminism commenced in the late 1960s and focused on women attaining economic, sexual and social gender equality with men. Third-wave feminism engaged in hybridization with virtually every male political ideology and thus fractured feminism in terms of both influencing and subordinating themselves to hegemonies androcentric ideologies while at the same time successfully making these ideologies/movements somewhat less androcentric.
Fourth-wave feminism in contrast reunites feminism by broadening feminism into a wider movement against structural DOLP (discrimination, oppression, lies and prejudice) generally irrespective of perceived appearance and/or assigned/chosen social group. Feminism thus increasingly means re-appropriating the domain of the feminine (meaning that which is irrationally suppressed under cultural hegemony) in not merely opposing structural DOLP but also engaging in feminist social innovation and crucially embracing and implementing verified feminist social innovation.
Feminism has for the most part embraced transgender females as part of the feminist movement and so has moved beyond the sexist physionomistic fixation of defining females anatomically and feminism therefore becomes truly inclusive of fellow females in opposing structural physionomism/DOLP generally irrespective of anatomy as there is hardly no form of structural oppression that does not victimize females to varying degrees.
Structural DOLP against females are also not universally uniform even among the human Animals and so fourth-wave feminism is increasingly redefining itself as the movement against physionomism specifically and DOLP generally. Fourth-wave feminism does not need to privilege a certain male ideology, any particular “metaphysics of being” or even a particular worldview other than supporting universal emancipation (i.e. elimination of physionomism and structural DOLP), open society (free participatory arenas) and representative governance (diversity in participatory politics). Third-wave feminism insisted on epistemological reformation of male ideologies while largely accepting their respective ontologies/worldviews. Fourth-wave feminism while committed to the rigorous scientific perspectives of academic gender studies needs also be committed to verified social innovation and physical empowerment, including importantly by means of feminist appropriation of the privilege to bear arms.
The global feminist movement thus unites by embracing diversity in human females. Remnants of physionomistic identity politics remain in feminism which until this day is pervasively racist in lacking the anthropological sophistication to oppose DOLP generally irrespective of culture considering the fact that DOLP and especially physionomism take different expressions as depending on cultural context. Cultural relativism is a methodological approach in field anthropology which cautions against judging another human culture by the standards of one’s own culture. However, turning cultural relativism into a political doctrine is structurally anti-democratic since democratic politics is precisely about judging others by your own standards in thus trying to understand the perspectives of others by means criticizing, deconstructing and empathizing indeed. That means that your own standards will probably change in the process and that is indeed the core of the democratic process, the culture of critically listening to the standards of others. The democratic process is thus about the very deconstruction of DOLP.
The Muslim Brotherhood (MB) as an Islamist Saudi intelligence service is committed to infiltrating civil societies worldwide and has unfortunately successfully penetrated feminism as well. Instead of standing with the armed feminist revolution in Rojava has the feminist movement increasingly been co-opted by MB Islamism as Islamism is modernity’s by far most misogynist, sexist, masculinist and patriarchal ideology indeed. Feminism thus needs to very substantially clean up its act in liberating feminism from the increasingly suffocating grip of the most reactionary patriarchal ideology of Islamism which seeks to establish totalitarian neo-medievalist patriarchal religious dictatorship worldwide. Feminism in fact is very much about the elimination of religious social terror in society and so feminism needs instead embrace Rojava, the first feminist state in world history in its brave feminist warfare against precisely every type and form of Islamism.
The feminist revolution in Kurdistan and the Middle East is in fact the very epicenter and spearhead of the global feminist revolution and from there shall the global feminist revolution also spread indeed, in most jurisdictions by fully legal means but where indeed necessary such as in Kurdistan also by means of outright feminist military warfare against violent patriarchal oppressors. Kurdish feminists are an example to the entire feminist movement in being ethnically inclusive in both organization and perspective and indeed in fighting modernity’s most sexist, misogynist, masculinist, patriarchal ideology and movement indeed.
Kurdish feminism largely does not allow itself to be caught in structurally Eurocentric (i.e. Para-Christian) metaphysical fixations but rather seeks real solutions to real problems, meaning engages in creative social innovation for working solutions. Kurdish feminists around the world stand on the barricades against Islamism which indeed threatens the historical achievements of feminism worldwide. Kurdistani feminists have appropriated the male monopoly on violence and are extremely successful in convincing males of any ethnicity that ending patriarchy very much benefits them as well. Kurdish feminism is practical rather than uselessly metaphysical and irrationally dogmatic as is typically Western feminism. Irrational dogmatism thus means embracing a principle to the point of the absurd and illogical.
It is only because Kurdish feminists are Kurds – in other words due to racism on the part of others – that the global feminist movement (including particularly Western feminism) has not yet embraced the exceptional intellectual leadership of Kurdish feminism. Kurdistani feminists are the real radical feminists in actually crushing totalitarian sexist patriarchy by the force of feminist warfare – indeed both feminist social warfare and feminist military warfare.
The global feminist movement needs to get its act together in ending collaboration with MB front organizations in uniting in support of the feminist revolution in Kurdistan and the Middle East as providing an example for the entire feminist movement worldwide.
The more emancipated, open and democratic a society is – the more space is there also for oppositional feminism to socially, semiotically and politically operate in. Feminism must therefore stand with freedom, emancipation and representative governance in not merely deconstructing but comprehensively destroying patriarchy indeed.
While it certainly made sense for third-wave feminism to Gramscian-style infiltrate male ideologies/religions/institutions in subverting patriarchy from within did third-wave feminists unfortunately typically go too far in subordinating feminism to androcentric perceptions of male ideologies such as the clearly phallogocentric historical materialism in some forms of Marxian feminism or limiting feminism to androcentric perceptions of claiming male entitlements as in liberal feminism. Merely demanding the Rights of Man (which referred to men and certainly not humans generally) means limiting oneself to demanding men’s privileges for women and so why should feminists merely imitate androcentrically male agendas?
Another blind spot in most of feminism is political indifference to mass DOLP against and universal emancipation for non-human persons. It is clearly insufficient to merely oppose DOLP against human Animals as nearly all victims of DOLP are non-human persons indeed with DOLP against humans making up a miniscule proportion of victims of DOLP worldwide. Feminism must thus embrace ethical veganism out of considerations of emancipation, environment, health and the feminine and so integrate the Animal liberation movement into itself.
Feminism is precisely about recognizing individual personhood and indeed respecting and ethically cherishing its inherently idiosyncratic nature and so feminism must become the global personhood movement for universal emancipation for emancipation can surely not be limited to any socially constructed class or type of bodies/group for that is precisely what feminism opposes indeed. How does it really matter which type/class of bodies/group that is victimized by physionomism specifically and DOLP generally? It matters of course to a certain degree in terms of context but it is essential indeed to oppose physionomism specifically and DOLP generally irrespective of assigned/perceived/elective type/class of body/group.
Feminism therefore needs to think both vertically (i.e. oppressed categories of persons) and horizontally (categories of oppression) and that’s the real intersectionality indeed. Both vertical and horizontal are however part of social/historical/economic context which is sometimes known as culture indeed and so vertical and horizontal exist in context which of course too must be critically understood as well. All three aspects need to be constantly questioned and so this provides a certain matrix of geometric thinking that too needs to be questioned, redefined and developed in embracing social and conceptual innovation indeed.
Uniting feminism into a broader personhood movement of universal emancipation in opposition to physionomism specifically and DOLP generally thus requires engaging in conceptual innovation and both devising social innovation and subsequently implementing verified social innovation. This requires becoming constantly able to think differently and move beyond irrational dogmatism in both scientifically understanding physionomism/DOLP and constructively opposing it in terms of providing real solutions of social innovation in actually solving real problems.
The task of uniting feminism into a broader personhood movement of universal emancipation is thus not somehow a renegotiation between partners in variously convenient/inconvenient alliances but crucially one of not only liberating values of freedom but importantly also a science of psemography as devoted indeed to the rigorous study of physionomism specially and DOLP generally.
Physionomism/DOLP is expressed in many ways, including through state oppression, economic oppression, physical oppression and of course social oppression and so feminism must endeavor to indeed end most of those quite diverse forms of structural physionomism/DOLP and not just some of them. This does not mean pious moral purity of dogmatic male ideologies/philosophies/theologies but rather moral clarity in democratic realism indeed.