Feminism has undergone several historical phases, the first wave legally emancipated women (but notably not girls), the second wave sought sexual, social and economic equality and the third wave splintered into extremely diverse identity politics and hybridized feminism with virtually every movement and ideology as originally created by males for males. The fourth and current phase rejects identity politics and seeks to unite and build solidarity with and between victims of structural oppression irrespective of ideologically interpreted anatomy and assigned social affiliation.
Fourth wave feminism emerged in gender studies of academia, is usually known as Intersectionality (intersectional feminism as referring to intersecting forms of oppression) and has an armed wing in the Middle East, namely the post-Marxist (i.e. no longer Marxist) PKK armed feminist movement of Kurdistan which has created the first feminist state in world history in Rojava (West Kurdistan & North Syria) and is successfully engaging in advanced feminist warfare against the reactionary and patriarchal Islamist Muslim Brotherhood AKP regime in Anatolia and Bakur (North Kurdistan) which sponsors Jihadist terrorist organizations in Syria and Rojava.
Feminist Rojava is a socially progressive libertarian state (indeed the world’s first libertarian state!) which seeks to end every form of structural oppression, including state oppression and economic oppression. Rojava is ruled by moderate radical feminists of different genders and the combination of Israeli advanced military training and intersectional feminist consciousness has turned the various PKK armed forces of divided Kurdistan into the by far best motivated and indeed by comparison the most militarily effective in the world. The PKK armed feminist movement is closely aligned with the world’s two only military superpowers, namely Israel (the sole regional political great power in the Middle East) and importantly also the United States of America (the sole political superpower globally). As of writing is feminist Rojava including the YPJ women’s corps, the Women’s Defence Units (Kurdish Yekîneyên Parastina Jin) incrementally crushing the rapist Islamic State Caliphate and so are liberated villages and liberated urban neighborhoods being armed, given feminist military training and compulsory gender equality is socially introduced without exception.
What is therefore needed is for intersectional feminism in particular and the global feminist movement in general to embrace the feminist revolution in Rojava and subsequently globalize it. Local YPJ branches need indeed to be formed worldwide. These need to be formed in accordance with respective legislations in those jurisdictions, including with respect to providing feminist military training and applying for weapons licenses. Criminals and the police are an intersecting structure that form part of the bullying psychopathology of patriarchy and both have therefore already been mostly abolished in feminist Rojava and therefore need to abolished worldwide as well.
Global YPJ must not be mere militias but rather highly motivated elite feminist para-military units that will intervene in adherence to the legislation in each jurisdiction in crushing patriarchy, including destroying sexism (discrimination on the basis of imagined intimate anatomy), masculinism (structural derogation of phenomena deemed female or feminine), misogyny (hatred against females) and phallogocentrism (privileging the phallus in the construction of meaning). Global YPJ must adhere meticulously to existing local legislation so as never harm the legal standing and legitimacy under law of local branches of the global YPJ.
Global YPJ needs to intervene in spousal abuse, liberate abused spouses, including through para-military operations and sternly deter those who discriminate, abuse and oppress as part of domestic abuse. Different jurisdictions have different legal provisions but the same laws that permit private security guards, para-military training, weapons licences, assisted self-defense (helping others under law to defend themselves against criminals acts), local militias, vigilance committees, shooting ranges as well as generally preventing, stopping and intervening against criminalized acts of physionomism need therefore to be strategically utilized and indeed harnessed by the global YPJ. Females liberated from spousal abuse and other human victims of physionomism need to be recruited into local YPJ para-military elite units which will indeed welcome new recruits irrespective of individual genders provided of course that they are strongly committed to the armed permanent feminist revolution worldwide. Feminists in general irrespective of age (including both legal minors and seniors) need to be given elite feminist military training and so building and growing the YPJ worldwide means mobilizing, arming and militarily training the global feminist movement with the purpose of destroying the male Monopoly on Violence.
While all-out feminist military war is certainly necessary in some parts of the world such as of writing in Kurdistan needs the global YPJ elsewhere wisely and meticulously so adhere to every provision of local legislation or at least so in a manner and fashion that will never harm the legal standing and legal legitimacy of the armed feminist revolution. Global YPJ needs however wage Foucaldian semiotic warfare in liberating public space from patriarchal physical/optometric/ideological/physionomistic hegemony, including intervening against and documenting sexual harassers as operating in public space as well as securing/patrolling/liberating the urban night. Global YPJ needs in particular liberate culturally Muslim neighborhoods of Western Europe which are currently terrorized by social Jihadism.
The essential para-military dimension of the feminist revolution needs to be combined with individualized gender design, meaning that every human person should learn to self-design her own multiple genders for different social situations and contexts. Feminist etiquette (including for social-sexually gendered behaviors) as adapted to various cultures and subcultures need to be established as the new ever-evolving social norm everywhere and the feminist revolution must not be limited to liberating females but rather needs implementing itself to the cause of increasingly eliminating structural oppression generally. The feminist revolution must fight totalitarian movements/ideologies (Communism, Kahanism, Islamism, Juche, Nazism etc.) for feminism is only as strong as open society and reversely obviously the more closed a society, the less space is there for feminism to operate in.
Supporting freedom and representative governance does not mean being complacent and assuming that the structures of liberal democracy as of present are the final form of governance in open society and so the feminist revolution needs to engage in social innovation as currently in Rojava to further develop self-governance in open society. However liberal democracy can only evolve by adding practical, functional improvements that actually work IRL.
More generally needs feminism extend itself from as of currently mostly criticizing and pointing out structural oppression to innovating and implementing practical and working solutions to existing problems and issues. While pointing out both wrongs and structural wrongs obviously remain quite essential to put things mildly need Fourth Wave Feminism conceptually extend itself to embrace and engage in creative social innovation indeed.