Epistemology of Revolution

Revolutions have a bad reputation among historians and so the diversity in experiences of historical revolutions and their respective outcomes thus need be comparatively and carefully studied, considered and understood indeed.

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The character of a revolution tends to determine not only its political aftermath but generally the kind of political system that is established in the post-revolutionary era. It is therefore essential that a popular revolution is democratic rather than authoritarian and peaceful rather brutal.

Revolutions are organized and spontaneous to varying degrees yet the main concern during the revolutionary phase is change of regime and so there is typically not much planned and prepared as to the political details and societal nature of the post-revolutionary era. This is clearly not only a considerable problem but a severe mistake indeed since revolutions tend to be exploited by persons with insincere, distinctly non-benevolent agendas of establishing yet other typically worse forms of tyranny in hence supplanting authoritarianism with totalitarianism.

In politics is dissimulation/hypocrisy very common and so advocates of totalitarianism tend to present themselves as champions of virtues when in fact their purposes are anything but benevolent.

Totalitarians exploit societal divides of conflicts between social categories of different kinds so as to generally justify their fundamentally malevolent dystopian, essentially neo-medieval political agendas of totalitarianism. They readily present themselves as agents of progress and virtue yet when in power act in the very opposite manner.

A revolution therefore needs not only be conceived of in terms of ending an existing political condition but importantly in terms of carefully preparing the aftermath. There are several important factors in these respects. A pro-democratic revolution should act with military backing. The military should thus act in a support role in supporting a democratic revolution into success. Military coups have historically tended to ultimately turn out counterproductive and so the military should act in support of and in response to a pro-democratic revolution. A revolution should be peaceful in nature and the patriotic military is well disposed for ensuring precisely that. A revolution should be democratic in nature, meaning that a revolution should act with democratic consensus and with democratic consent and so violence needs be minimized as a democratic revolution should be peaceful as indeed with the 1989 pro-democratic revolution in central Europe.

Those with distinctly non-benevolent intentions of renewed tyranny will typically endeavor to utilize the revolutionary climate so as to foment sectoral strife of some kind of another so to bring about political conditions as conducive to their distinctly non-benevolent agendas.

A revolution thus needs be planned both in terms of what is supposed to come in the post-revolutionary era but importantly also in terms of planning the implementation of the revolution itself so as to ensure a pro-democratic revolution as successfully leading to liberty, virtue and progress as opposed to renewed descent into extreme neo-medieval, totalitarian agendas of tyranny, cynicism and kleptocracy.

A pro-democracy revolution needs not only domestic military and international pro-democratic intelligence support but importantly requires careful planning and responsible execution in being prepared for both likely, unlikely and highly alternative scenarios that may potentially derail the pro-democratic revolution and cause descent into tragically extreme neo-medieval agendas of tyranny, oppression and cynicism in totalitarianism.

Democracy can be introduced top-down if there is already extensive popular support for the values of freedom, emancipation and representative governance; yet in the absence thereof is a bottom-up approach essential in anchoring democratic values in traditional societal structures much like the first democratization of Europe became anchored in traditional societal structures of religion, peoplehood and sectors of civil society.

A pro-democratic revolution hence needs be inclusively pluralist, yet not too inclusive. There is generally a problem in democratic politics of democratic collaborators with totalitarianism becoming “inclusive” of agents of the forces of totalitarianism whether Communists, Islamists, Kahanists, Nazis or otherwise. This is a severe mistake indeed and so is it essential to understand the importance of being inclusive of societal pluralism, yet not becoming inclusive of existential enemies of open society. While it may be tempting out of political convenience to include seemingly “moderate” agents of totalitarianism into big tent politics of democratic revolution is this highly dangerous and a severe strategic mistake indeed.

A pro-democracy revolution needs be democratic, non-violent and pluralist yet must consciously maintain clear boundaries between genuine advocates of freedom, emancipation and representative governance on the one hand and existential enemies of open societies with nefarious neo-medieval agendas of totalitarianism on the other. This is not only a matter of ethical clarity but is furthermore essential for a pro-democracy revolution to succeed and not become derailed into neo-medieval tragedy.

We need thus be clear-eyed and open-eyed about there being cynical forces with non-benevolent intentions whose real and extreme agendas are tyranny, oppression and theft. This is not to deny that authoritarianism is preferable to totalitarianism or deny the fact that the values of freedom, emancipation and representative governance need be be democratically anchored so as for the introduction of democracy to succeed, prevail and become sustained.

A revolution is an accelerated process of political change and so we need consider that the pace of democratic change in the post-revolutionary period is precisely dependent upon whether and to what degree values of freedom, emancipation and representative governance are indeed culturally anchored in traditional social structures of society.

Democracy is freedom by popular consent and so is pro-democratic revolution likewise freedom by popular consent. We need learn from failures of historical revolutions in identifying potential pitfalls but we need also learn from successes of revolutions of freedom, emancipation and representative governance in intelligently emulate and innovatively develop the patterns of that success. In engineering the global feminist social revolution need we be cognizant of and carefully consider all those essential factors and considerations indeed. FREEDOM, EMANCIPATION and REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNANCE.

The Eurolect – Politics of the Para-Christian documentation project

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