What was once known as the PKK movement internally and semi-covertly so adopted the name Feminist Liberation Movement (FLM) in 2017 in symbolizing its transition from Marxism to moderate radical feminism.
The Feminist Liberation Movement are moderate radical feminists who combine values of democratic conservatism with the progressive ethics of intersectional feminism. The FLM is essentially neoconservative in its militant commitment to liberty and democracy. The FLM as progressive libertarians are highly sceptical of the state and thus seek minimal government. While being critical of the no doubt severe dysfunctions of patriarchal/ethnocratic capitalism does the FLM strictly respect private property. The FLM supports the right to bear arms which it recognizes as essential to the global feminist social revolution in defense of liberty of personhood.
The Feminist Liberation Movement has established the first feminist state in world history in about a third of Syria, including most of Syrian Kurdistan, known as Rojava, meaning “West” in Kurdish as referring to Syrian Kurdistan as “West Kurdistan”. Rojava certainly espouses the very values of liberty, emancipation and democracy, long described as “Western” and so the name Rojava certainly makes sense in every way.
The FLM has two factions, one female-dominated which rules Rojava and operates under the tutelage of mostly female Israeli Barzanis administering Kurdistani Intelligence (KI). The male-dominated faction remains loyal to Gestapo-controlled elements within the SVR, Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Service and hence their crypto-satanist totalitarian-style practices of cult of personality around the demised persona of Abdullah Öcalan, the former PKK leader who without officially announcing so resigned from his position as party leader in 2004 and many years later passed away on the Turkish prison island of Imrali in September 2016. The SVR/Gestapo-controlled minority faction remains influential to some degree over the HPG guerilla as headquartered in the Qandil mountains in self-governing Iraqi Kurdistan (Bashur, meaning South Kurdistan). Russia is also allowed to maintain a military presence in the isolated Rojava canton of Afrin along with Israeli and American special forces there.
Israel’s semi-covert second hereditary head of state became leader of the movement in 2004 when the PKK movement after years of intense diplomatic efforts finally succeeded in fully aligning with Israel. All branches of the FLM including the HPG are loyal to Israel’s hereditary head of state although the sadly continued totalitarian-style cult of personality around the persona of the demised Öcalan continues to severely harm the image of the movement in liberal democracies.
There are three FLM intelligence agencies; the FLM itself, Kurdistani Intelligence (KI) which controls Free Kurdistan and protects the Kurdistani movement of liberation and FLM Intelligence which recruits and organizes feminist elite forces in countries around the world in close cooperation with the respective national military of each country.
Once fully aligned with Israel did the movement spend many years building an extensive network of meticulously democratic grassroots civilian organization in Kurdistan, Turkey and in the Diaspora in Europe while tens of thousands of movement activists were given intelligence training and/or military training in Israel. These years were also importantly devoted to ideological transition from Marxism to Feminism. The outbreak of the Syrian civil war in 2011 created new opportunities for the movement as Israel successfully pressured Damascus by threats of war to withdraw from Syrian Kurdistan, something which enabled the movement to establish a de facto independent state there which now encompasses close to a third of Syria.
The Feminist Liberation Movement espouses democratic patriotism while opposing opposing nationalism. To outsiders may the enthusiastic democratic patriotism of the FLM seem confusing considering its opposition to nationalism. Kurds are today however a demograpic minority within the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria (DFNS) although most FLM leaders are Kurds indeed.
Politically are the FLM best described as intersectional libertarians in intersectional feminism being highly successfully implemented in Rojava. The moderate radical feminism of the FLM is radical in the sense as being armed and highly culturally transformative, yet also moderate in the sense as being fully inclusive and tolerant of both men and the LGBTQI community as persons of all genders in Rojava participate in compulsory gender science classes where intersectional feminism is taught to all participants.
The Feminist Liberation Movement performs grassroots democratization/liberalization by means of anchoring democratic values including intersectional feminism within existing traditional tribal societies. The FLM does so by militarily and subsequently socially liberating Mideastern local communities from dictatorship, patriarchy and ethnocracy and thus do local populations become intensely grateful and also loyal to the FLM. Most local people become committed democratic feminists after participation in compulsory gender science classes.
The economy of Rojava is a modified version of the anarcho-syndicalist war economy of self-sufficiency of pre-state and independent Israel until 1977 and was focused on cooperatives, non-state collectives and socialist federations running most the Israeli economy at the time.
The FLM military forces are divided into Syrian, Iraqi, Iranian and Turkish branches; all of which are trained by Israel and are animated by the essentially proto-feminist ethos of Kurdish culture where respect for females is culturally central to self-conception for persons of all ages and genders. Traditional male genders in Crypto-Jewish Kurdistan (one third of all Kurds remain halakhically Jewish including Alawites, Alevis, Dönmeh, Yarsanis and Yezidis) are reminiscent of the distinctly non-machismo pre-Holocaust Ashkenazi male genders as well as the likewise also typically non-machismo contemporary Western gay genders.
The combined size of the FLM military forces is a well-guarded secret but FLM military forces are rapidly expanding with ongoing military mass recruitment in all parts of Kurdistan as the Peshmerga of Iraqi Kurdistan increasingly integrates with FLM military forces into the combined Kurdistani Defense Forces (KDF). FLM military forces have separate bases for males (cis-males and transmales alike) and females (cis-females and transfemales alike). While nominally being affiliated with different military branches do they however operate fully together in the field.
In opposing ethnocracy as an expression of patriarchy is the FLM certainly not a parochial Kurdish movement and different ethnic groups maintain their own military units within the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), the FLM army of Rojava.