War in in Turkey is a humanitarian imperative as considering the impending threat of genocide.
Freedom has a price, it always has considering that freedom is always under threat whether from within democracy itself or from hostile foreign tyranny.
It is however essential that we learn from military history in avoiding every trap of masculinist warfare which allows the enemy to exploit sectarian and ethnic tensions for purposes of conflict perpetuation. It is also precisely essential that we do not under any circumstances enable the Frankist enemy to play divide and rule whether within a country or between nations.
Our freedom is precious and so is the freedom that is withheld from nations living under tyranny. We need break out from the pernicious nationalist mindset whereby it is only our own freedom which is worth dying for. In feminism need we break out from the nationalist mindset according to which it is is only our own equality which is worth fighting for. Enemy Frankist propaganda informs us that being ready for war for the freedom of other nations than our own is ostensibly “imperialist” and that transnational gender solidarity is ostensibly “racist”. Enemy Frankist propaganda informs us that transnational solidarity should be with agendas of foreign anti-democrats alone and that any other solidarity is “racist” and “imperialist”. Projective inversion of course is typical of Frankist propaganda tropes generally as this is nothing new since Frankist intelligence sects have spread propaganda since the emergence of modern totalitarianism and even before that.
It is essential that we learn to understand that Frankist enemy propaganda seeks to impose social taboos of various kinds for public discourse which as designed to limit our ability to defend freedom. Kurdish feminists in Sweden are systematically told that is “racist” for for Kurdish feminists to talk about specific cultural forms of gender oppression within minority communities of Middle Eastern origins. How can it be? Is it racist to speak about specific cultural forms of gender oppression within indigenous European cultures?
It is rather existential enemies of open societies which act on behalf of foreign imperialist agendas and display systemic racism by means of opposing solidarity between supporters of open society & liberal worldwide. It is rather enemies of open societies who perform racism by seeking to discredit and marginalize ethnic minority expressions of feminism.
It is true that every nation has a tragic past and many democracies such as Japan and Canada sadly have an imperialist past as well. The phenomenon of one ethnic or sub-ethnic group seeking to dominate other ethnic groups is however common worldwide as for example in the form of tribal warfare. This phenomenon that is ethnocracy is however not in any sense anthropologically exclusive to democracies and so needs be fought everywhere irrespective or color, ethnicity and religion.
Existential enemies of open society wish however to stigmatize liberal democracies and so increasingly disable our ability to defend ourselves against existential enemies of open societies. It is certainly true that Germany under Frankist Nazi totalitarian rule committed horrendous crimes, including murdering six million Jews. Should the conclusion therefore be to oppose Frankist totalitarian intelligence sects or should it be to accept and tolerate those rather similar totalitarian existential enemies of open society? Frankist propaganda will inform us that the problem is not totalitarianism but rather that certain ethnic groups are the problem. Now how racist is not that?
Frankist totalitarian intelligence sects appear in different propaganda forms. Nazism and Communism both based themselves on propaganda tropes of projective inversion and they established highly similar brutal political systems of pitting groups against it each other, indeed on “race” and “class” respectively.
Democratic solidarity within an open society is essential as is democratic solidarity between open societies. Solidarity with governments which responsibly seek to establish freedom and representative government is essential as is solidarity with genuinely pro-democratic activists and genuinely pro-democratic opposition movements.
Transnational, culturally sensitive solidarity with victims of gender oppression worldwide is also very much of essence irrespective of the ages, classes, ethnicities, genders, nationalities and sexualities of affected persons. We need understand that we ought oppose structural oppression itself and need do that irrespective of shibboleths of discrimination/oppression although it needs be done in a highly culturally/subculturally sensitive manner in respecting individual/group difference in social/cultural/historical experience.
Armed Kurdish feminism has given rise to the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria (DFNS) which since 2012 has brought about responsible processes of emancipation, freedom and democracy in its society, including abolishing the patriarchal police.
Frankist pseudo-feminism will generally ignore the first feminist state in world history and will otherwise tar Kurdish feminists as “racists” and “imperialists”. Yet the truth is that the Kurdish people is one of the most oppressed peoples in the world and the Kurdish people continues to suffer severely due to ethnocracy and religious imperialism of others.
Frankist pseudo-feminism will advocate so called “pacifism” which generally means denying others the right to defend themselves against totalitarianism because that is practically speaking the only thing which “pacifists” as acting as political tools on behalf on Frankist intelligence sects are concerned with. If the DNFS had practiced “pacifism” would its peoples still had been enslaved by the very Frankist intelligence sect which is DAESH. If the DFNS had practiced “pacifism” would the feminist social revolution in Syria/Kurdistan not even exist as persons of all genders would still had been enslaved under the gender totalitarianism of Frankist DAESH.
So called “pacifism” is not a feminist ideology at all but is rather one which reinforces oppression of every kind in preventing the people of all genders from defending themselves against tyranny and repression. “Pacifism” means endorsing the traditional male chauvinist monopoly on tools of violence and of course on its deployment in defense of structural oppression rather than in defense of emancipation, freedom and democracy which after all are what feminism is about.
The Democratic Federation of Northern Syria (DFNS) in being the first feminist state in world history has very close diplomatic ties with all liberal democracies and the DFNS is in fact on a fast track on itself becoming a liberal democracy. Yet, nobody is perfect (established liberal democracies certainly are not) and although the DFNS has already established open society is it not yet fully a liberal democracy. Is that a legitimate reason not to act in solidarity with the advanced and determined processes of emancipation, freedom and democracy in the DFNS?
Establishment of open society and liberal democracy has proven extremely difficult in the ultra-patriarchal Middle East for a panoply of reasons as relating to culture, religion, ideology and history. Yet is that a legitimate reason not to support responsible advancement of emancipation, freedom and democracy in those societies?
The SDF (Syrian Democratic Forces) and the Peshmerga in Free Kurdistan (DFNS-KRG) are commanded by the YPJ, the Women’s Protection Units which is a moderate radical feminist defense organization as committed to advancement of universal emancipation in strict compliance with provisions of law whether civilian law, military law, constitutional law, laws of war or generally international law. The YPJ strongly believes that it is essential to comply with nearly nearly every provision of law in order so that the global feminist social revolution will continue to succeed. It needs be underscored that male monopoly on violence is not a provision of law and that the right to self-defense is by no means delimited by gender or any kind of human anatomy as associated with any particular genders.
The Women’s Protection Units (YPJ) began in 2013 as a democratic defense organization of former Kurdish prostitutes who had successfully escaped sexual enslavement. Since then has the YPJ grown tremendously and its size is far larger than most published estimates and its majority is no longer Kurdish and in fact has no ethnic majority whatsoever. The YPJ grows by means of armed liberation of enslaved prostitutes who subsequently join the ranks of the YPJ feminist women’s corps.
It is also true that the Women’s Protection Units (YPJ) also have many teenage girls among its members. These too were liberated from enslavement in prostitution by means of armed liberation operations. Whether preteen girls, teenage girls or adult women have they nowhere to turn and even if their families are understanding of their plight (which is usually not the case unfortunately) is not safe for them to return to their former families due to the risk of abduction in once more becoming coercively drawn into enslavement in prostitution. In many cases were female legal minors sold into enslavement in prostitution by their own father or brother under the cover of purchasing a bride.
The Women’s Protection Units also liberates animals, boys, men and non-binary persons from prostitution and it should be emphasized that transgender females are furthermore fully welcome in the ranks of the YPJ. Female legal minors are welcome in the YPJ and encouraged to serve in non-combatant positions although not prevented from serving in combatant positions if deemed psychologically mature enough to do so. The right to self-defense under the laws of war is precisely not delimited by age, gender or sexuality.
The DFNS is torn between its most important ally Israel and the lingering Frankist SVR intelligence influence due to the former Kurdistani relationship with the former Soviet Union. The Frankist SVR through its North Korean branch continues to try turn to mobilize patriarchy against the armed feminist social revolution in trying to transform the DFNS into a political copy of patriarchal Frankist North Korea. Yet is that a legitimate reason not to support the meticulously democratic feminist DFNS against the threat of Frankist totalitarianism and irrespective of whether the threat is internal, external or both?
Gender solidarity of the DFNS and the YPJ is however not delimited by ethnicity as is typically in practice Western feminism and need I add rather deplorably so. The Women’s Protection Units stand with victims of structural oppression everywhere and entirely irrespective shibboleths of discrimination. As far as the Women’s Protection Units are concerned is it immaterial which language victims of gender oppression speak as it is rather essential that they themselves are allowed to articulate their own experiences of structural oppression and that feminists of all languages stand in solidarity among ourselves. The Women’s Protection Units (YPJ) however stands in support of the right of victims of ethnocratic oppression to use their own languages and the YPJ supports democratic borders, meaning that as far as possible borders need be drawn in accordance with wishes of local communities and that is part of what democratic confederalism is about, namely democratic sovereignty.
Are there internal disagreements with the Feminist Liberation Movement (FLM), the semi-covert name of the world largest feminist movement as often described as the “PKK”? Yes there certainly are is in any democratic organization. There are tensions between the radical feminist YPJ and the more nationalist YPG. There are tensions between the feminist DFNS and the more relatively more masculinist Qandil as SVR intelligence political influence is far stronger in Qandil than in the DFNS. The North Korean affiliate of the SVR works around the clock to diplomatically isolate the DFNS, stoking ethnic tensions of xenophobia among Kurds and generally working to sabotage the increasingly successful feminist democratic social revolution in the DFNS by means of promoting gender tension.
The Women’s Protection Units (YPJ) resolutely stands against the genocidal plans of the Frankist MB-MIT regime in Ankara and does in strict compliance with everyone’s obligation to do everything possible to prevent genocide. Does the DFNS have a special responsibility to prevent genocide against the Kurdish people? Yes it does. Do Israel and Germany have a special responsibility in protecting fully Crypto-Jewish ethnoreligious minorities such as Alevis, Bektashis and Dönmeh from genocidal plans? Obviously yes. Yet genocide prevention is everyone’s responsibility as genocide prevention is a fully binding obligation under international law.
The right to self-defense, the right to protection against abuse/oppression the right to democratic self-determination and the obligation to prevent genocide are however not delimited by gender or ethnicity. We need furthermore understand that application of international law is not delimited by Frankist propaganda tropes of projective inversion as intended to promote the nefarious agendas of patriarchy and ethnocracy as certainly inimical to the future of humanity.
The Women’s Protection Units (YPJ) as composed mostly but not entirely of formerly enslaved ex-prostitutes as liberated in armed liberation operations stands in solidarity with victims of gender oppression everywhere including with girls, women, non-binary persons, queers, sex workers and prostitutes, including both current and former ones.
Feminist social revolution is however not an anatomical agenda as limited to cis-females, human beings or any particular ethnic group but its calling is rather universal emancipation more broadly. ON ANKARA WE SHALL MARCH