Democratic Confederalism in Iraq

Flag_of_Sinjar_Womens_Units.svg (1)
Flag of the Sinjar Women’s Units (Yekineyên Jinên Şengalê) feminist military force.

The recent Shia Jihadist occupation of parts of Iraqi Kurdistan requires the formation of a new Iraqi Kurdish feminist guerrilla force within the wider Kurdistani feminist liberation movement.

The peshmerga Army of Kurdistan has shown remarkable and admirable restraint in helping avert the genocidal plans of Kurdistan’s enemies. Yet, feminist guerrillas are more suited for this task than the Kurdistani army whose tasks currently are defensive rather than offensive. The morally depraved IRGC-affiliated ethnocratic Jihadist occupiers in fact stand no chance against the Israeli-trained feminist guerrilla.

The Kurdistani political parties need unite in demanding democratic confederalism in Iraq becoming divided into five constituent regions, namely Sumer, Central Iraq, Kurdistan, Aramaic Nineveh and Shingal (Sinjar) all with democratic borders. A confederation differs from a federation in that members of a confederation have an automatic right to leave the federation and Iraqi Kurdistan will only leave Iraq when the entire Kurdistan has been liberated.

Kurdistani political parties need therefore build alliances with other Iraqi citizens to demand democratic confederalism with democratic borders as determined in accordance with wishes of local residential communities, whether neighborhoods, villages, towns or cities.

It is essential that the Kurdistani movement avoids divisive nationalist identity politics and instead works across ethnic and denominational lines in building consensus among Iraqi citizens for democratic confederalism. It would indeed be ideal if this were to be achieved solely by democratic, diplomatic and political means and Kurdistani political parties need to endeavor towards that end, but until that happens needs the feminist guerrilla legitimately resist the Jihadist occupation in occupied Kurdistani Kirkuk, occupied Kurdistani Shingal (Sinjar) and other areas of Iraqi Kurdistan as occupied by IRGC-sponsored Jihadists and their collaborators in the Iraqi army. The Iraqi Shia militias are part of the IRGC and as such are they fully legitimate military targets at any time. The feminist guerrillas are well positioned to defeat & discredit the Jihadist occupiers and in fact expeditiously so although this will require some prior professional military planning.

Free Kurdistan thus needs to perform democratic coalition building among Iraqi citizens for democratic confederalism with democratic borders while at the same time need feminist guerrillas advance in parts of Kurdistan as occupied by IRGC-sponsored Jihadist militias. At the same time needs Iraqi Kurdistan prepare for free and fair elections with importantly feminist participation of the feminist Kurdistani movement which rules Syrian Kurdistan.

Syrian Kurdistan failed to substantially come to the defense of Iraqi Kurdistan whose armed forces acted professionally in helping avert the genocidal plans of the IRGC while the HPG feminist guerrillas temporarily left the city of Kirkuk due to operational contingencies. The brave evacuation of Shengal (Sinjar) prevented the IRGC’s plan to attack the Yezidi city with chemical weapons as intended to become the 74th Yezidi genocide.

As the Israeli military is now firmly established at a very, very large scale in both parts of Free Kurdistan is it now essential to focus on building a unified military to the essential inclusion of both Peshmerga and the YPG. The Kurdistani movement needs to focus on promoting democratic confederalism in all parts of Kurdistan as well as in neighboring countries within existing international borders as awaiting the eventual political unification of Kurdistan.

The PUK and the KDP of Iraqi Kurdistan throughout the crisis continually leaked confidential diplomatic communication from the US and Israel to Iran while the YPG of Syrian Kurdistan despite pre-war military guarantees effectively abandoned Iraqi Kurdistan in refusing at that stage to commence the liberation of Nineveh Governorate. These are unpatriotic behaviors unbecoming of patriots whose task and purpose it is to wisely resist foreign Jihadist occupation. Yet this is an opportunity to learn from these mistakes and unify the Kurdistani movement and increasingly integrate its armed forces and so Kurdistani political parties publicly smearing each other with conspiracy theories is particularly unhelpful in misinforming the Kurdistani public and giving an unfavorable impression to favorably disposed foreign governments in the international community.

Yet the fact is that all three main Kurdistani movements acted like lowly jash (Kurdish for traitors) and now rhetorically behave as if they were lowly brakujists (advocates of Kurdistani civil war) although we should all be greatful that they are actually not brakujists. Washington and Jerusalem at the same time engaged in concerted and intense efforts of genocide prevention by means of armed diplomacy and large-scale intelligence warfare inside Iran. The troop redeployment (tactical retreat) of Peshmerga and HPG during the crisis was necessary and the Kurdistani feminist liberation movement of Syrian Kurdistan needs to learn from their own major mistake during the crisis and prepare for feminist guerrilla liberation of Jihadist-occupied areas in Iraqi Kurdistan.

Nevertheless is it now time for Free Kurdistan, the Kurdistani movement and the people of Kurdistan to look ahead in planning, designing and devising the future as great challenges lie ahead democratically, diplomatically, militarily, politically, tactically and strategically speaking.