The arming, training and expansion of the armed forces of Free Kurdistan as equipped by America, trained by Israel and funded by the GCC is proceeding very well and as there is also substantial political progress in the process of reconciliation between the KPD and the PKK movement as successfully diplomatically facilitated by the PUK does the military integration certainly advance as well.
To be sure is the vision of a unified non-partisan Kurdistani Defense Forces (KDF) not realized instantly by a mere stroke of a pen. Yet, a process of military unification certainly needs to advance as the political process of reconciliation advances as well.
It is essential that all three main political movements of Free Kurdistan will feel that the KDF represents them and defends them in defending the interests of the Kurdish people as a whole. Partisan allegiances are destructive in that the existence of major partisan military forces of Free Kurdistan creates fear and suspicion both in the KDP and against the KDP in the PUK and the PKK movement.
The major issue is the Dönmeh-led KDPs relations with Turkey where the Dönmeh-led Derin Devlet military intelligence agency is increasingly once more capable of exerting major influence over state affairs although for tactical reasons is this is still done sparingly. The Derin Devlet despite long viewing Kurdish traditionalism as an intrinsic threat to the Kemalist project of enforced secularization always tolerated the existence of the Kurdish state-building project in northern Iraq due to the prominence of the Dönmeh Barzani tribe & family and other Dönmeh clans/tribes/families in the Badinan/Adiabene region as part of the state-building project in and of Iraqi Kurdistan.
It is essential for the PUK and the PKK movement to understand that there has always been a certain amount of mutual political allegiance between Turkish Dönmeh and Kurdish Dönmeh, something which has served to protect the emergence and progression of Free Kurdistan generally. Rather than viewing the KDPs seeming “loyalty” to Turkey as a threat need the PUK and the PKK movement instead think of transnational Dönmeh loyalties as a geopolitical asset for the Kurdistani movement and not only with Ankara but in fact with Jerusalem as well. As Reform Judaism and Conservative Judaism both originated in Sabbateanism (something which is well known among top American Jewish leaders) is the Sabbatean strategic angle important for Free Kurdistan’s essential relationship with the American Jewish community as well. The Kurdish Dönmeh are in fact a diplomatic bridge of immense political and strategic significance for the Kurdistani movement as a whole.
The main political division in the Kurdistani movement is in fact between the KDP and its political/military satellites on the one hand and all other secular Kurdistani political parties and militias on the other. The existence of major partisan Kurdistani armies has long created immense fear between the KDP on the one hand and the PUK and the PKK movement on the other. It needs to be profoundly recognized that the existence of partisan armies is what makes these fears seem justified. With a non-partisan unified Kurdistani Defense Forces can the basis of this fear become eliminated while still allowing Kurdistani political parties to maintain some partisan armed forces even beyond the process of military integration. Military integration will thus necessarily become gradual in making more and more military units non-partisan indeed.
The basis of an increasingly unified Kurdistani Defense Forces (KDF) needs to be the values of freedom, emancipation and representative governance and in particular so empowered feminism which has proven to be the major factor in giving rise to the exceptionally high battle morale in the SDF feminist army of the PKK movement in Free Rojava and Syria.
As the three major partisan armies of Free Kurdistan increasingly integrate need they also prepare for liberating remaining Jihadist-held areas in Iraq and Syria. Irrespective of what comes out of Baghdad is this an absolutely essential task as Free Kurdistan indeed fights on behalf of all humanity against the intolerable menace of neo-medievalist totalitarianism.
There is broad international diplomatic understanding that unified Kurdistani independence is indeed a major humanitarian imperative but there is little understanding for the peculiar idea of only Iraqi Kurdistan becoming independent and especially considering that Syrian Kurdistan is already free and so why should Syrian Kurdistan logically speaking not become included in independent Kurdistan? The diplomatic marketing of an intended future independent Dönmehstan under the guise of Kurdish nationalism on the model of Alawite minority rule in Syria is thus not nearly as popular in the international community as the growing understanding that unified Kurdistani independence is an absolute humanitarian must indeed.
Unified Kurdistani independence will thus not be achieved by a Ramallah-style international diplomatic campaign for virtual international “recognition” but rather through the liberation of Kurdistan by political, diplomatic and military means. Once Kurdistan is unified and liberated will it not be difficult to increasingly secure almost universal international recognition of unified Kurdistani independence.
The importance of capable and unified military forces in defending the values of democratic self-determination can hardly be overstated. The KDP has always been swayed between its Kurdistani project and its Dönmehstan project and the latter has always seemed “more realistic” from the perspective of Erbil as Erbil is well aware that the Dönmeh connection with Ankara and Jerusalem is historically the major element element in what has made Free Kurdistan survive despite so much vehement anti-Kurdish hostility in the region.
As the Israeli project of Free Kurdistan has always since 1963 been guided and managed by members of the Israeli branch of the House of Adiabene have Israeli Barzanis won respect and admiration throughout the Kurdistani leadership of the Kurdistani movement. The Kurdistani Defense Forces need not only be militarily controlled by Israeli Kurdish military specialists so as to impede and neutralize any danger of future potential brakuji but the KDF needs also be politically subordinate to Kurdistan’s reigning branch of the House of Adiabene so as to prevent any potential scenario of the other Kurdistani political parties uniting in brakuji against the Kurdistan Democratic Party.
This is not to imply that unified Kurdistan should not become a full democracy but rather that security, defense and intelligence should certainly be the main realm of exercise of power by constitutional monarchy just as civilian matters should certainly for the most part be controlled by democratically elected representatives of the people.
Democracy is based on division of powers and constitutional monarchy provides the essential service of being guardians of the guardians. As increasingly integrated Free Kurdistan is a shadowy constitutional monarchy under the tutelage of Israeli Barzanis as backed up by Israeli intelligence and the Israeli government alike is it precisely essential to understand that control over the Kurdistani Defense Forces will and must remain in the hands of the reigning Israeli branch of the House of Adiabene. This is not to say that a democratically elected government would not be free to make its own sovereign patriotically non-partisan decisions in the realm of security, defense and intelligence. But rather that the three self-governing Kurdistani statelets are “to varying degrees liberal” one-party states and so control over security, defense and intelligence needs gradually and increasingly so become transferred into the hands of the ruling Israeli branch of the House of Adiabene which anyway indirectly controls all secular Kurdistani parties and militias through Israeli intelligence.
Let us not underestimate or belittle Dönmeh Kurdish fears of Islamized Kurds as partly influenced by religious imperialism and hence the essential need for liberating Kurdistan from the evils of political occupation, military occupation and importantly religious occupation as well. The Israeli branch of the House of Adiabene as the secretive and uncorrupted strategic standard-bearers of the Kurdistani movement of liberation have indeed the military skills, requisite training and political capacity for leading the liberation of Kurdistan to unified independence indeed.
The Kurdistan Army made much less southward military progress than the Syrian Democratic Forces; in part so due to the former unlike the latter not having implemented empowered feminism but also due to a partial US arms embargo after the KDP attempted to initiate brakuji in Yezidi Shingal (Sinjar) against the PKK movement.
As the increasingly integrated military forces of Free Kurdistan are brought under the direct control of the Israeli branch of the House of Adiabene (and not merely indirect control through Israeli intelligence) needs the emerging Kurdistani Defense Forces prepare for cleaning Syria and Iraq from all armed Jihadist presence in helping build a pro-Kurdish Aramaic Ezidxan to the south of an independent unified Kurdistan. Although this will be the first officially synchronized military campaign of the emerging Kurdistani Defense Forces will it hardly be the last as the unification of Kurdistan is unlikely to be attained by diplomatic means only.
The border between Iraqi Kurdistan and Syrian Kurdistan needs to become permanently opened. An international airport needs to be built in Syrian Kurdistan in agreement with Damascus and as fully funded by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) that will create a second permanent connection with the global system of international airports in addition to Jerusalem’s semi-secretive Kurdistani airlift through Jordan and along the Syrian-Iraq border. The Kurdistani Defense Forces in cleaning both Syria and Iraq from armed Jihadism will need to do so irrespective of any contradictory statements or political machinations as emanating from the Iranian-influenced administration in Baghdad. It is up to Baghdad to choose sides as Free Kurdistan is already strongly in the camp of liberty against the tyranny of neo-medieval totalitarianism of neighboring polities.
The Kurdistani Defense Forces and its Project South to clean Iraq and Syria from Jihadism will find quite considerable international sympathy. The international community is highly sympathetic of unified Kurdistani independence although yet not so overtly but there is no sympathy whatsoever for the former brakujist agendas of the KDP and the PKK movement respectively. The stronger in unified military capacity & unified moral clarity Free Kurdistan becomes the more credible will the empowered Kurdistani movement also become in its most deserving humanitarian endeavor to attain democratic self-determination in independence for unified Kurdistan indeed. Viva the feminist revolution!