As the Islamist AKP is politically self-destructing need we think ahead in envision what ought come in its stead in terms of planning the transition. The two major opposition parties of CHP and HDP are both social democratic but their respective public and electoral appeals are limited by their reputation as sectorial parties of Alevis and Kurds respectively.
Since practically speaking only political history separates the post-Kemalist CHP and the post-Marxist HDP should the two become merged so as to create one large credible opposition party as ready to take on the responsibilities of governance after the fall of the Islamist AKP tyranny.
The Turkish electoral system furthermore favors large parties over small parties and the pro-democratic opposition will become far stronger by uniting into one single democratic alternative to dictatorship. A united pro-democracy opposition will become that inclusive big tent political party which both the CHP and the HDP aspire to become. A united opposition party will be inclusive of not only Alevis and Kurds but will make other electoral sectors feel at home as well.
The new party should be inclusively feminist and pro-democratic as feminist social revolution is essential to the post-AKP political transition as leading to fully voluntary communal reversion to indigenous Alevi-Bektashi Judaism throughout the country, including importantly turning state-owned mosques into feminist Temples of Love as part of our feminist return to our shared gynocentric Sumerian historical heritage.
The initial political transition may likely take the shape of a popular revolution as followed by a Derin Devlet initiated military coup d’état after which the task is the establishment of a feminist revolutionary government which needs to criminalize structural oppression as part of its implementation of universal emancipation under freedom and representative governance.
A united opposition party as cementing the already strong alliance between the predominantly Kurdish PKK movement and the Dönmeh-led Derin Devlet in shared pursuit of universal emancipation and communal reversion to indigenous heritage will form a strong foundation for the rebirth of Anatolia and its diverse historical, linguistic, religious and cultural heritage.
The Derin Devlet’s Plan A during the 20th century was simply the perpetuation of Kemalism to which traditional Kurdish society was seen as threat. As the idea behind Kemalism was that enforced secularization would eventually make Islam disappear did this paradigm clearly fail and this was indeed recognized by the Derin Devlet itself in the early 21st century.
As the core Dönmeh community had increasingly integrated into the wider Alevi-Bektashi community by means of the core Dönmeh of mostly Sephardic origin marrying Dönmeh Alevis, Dönmeh Bektashis and Dönmeh nominal but not actual Muslims outside of the core Dönmeh community. The core Dönmeh community did not however not disappear but rather vastly demographically expanded through marriage.
In the early 21st century had the Derin Devlet developed from originally protector of the originally small core Dönmeh community of Sephardic origin into protector of the wider Alevi-Bektashi-Pakraduni-Dönmeh community. A decision was made to instigate a political trajectory of partition whereby Turkey would be partitioned into a nominally Muslim state in the West, an Alevistan for Alevis, Bektashis, Pakradunis and Dönmeh in the Center and a Kurdistan without Alevi regions in the East.
That Plan B had from the perspective of the Derin Devlet disastrous consequences as the Derin Devlet had underestimated the skills of the Riyadh-based Muslim Brotherhood (MB) international intelligence agency behind the AKP crypto-Islamist political party. The Derin Devlet was almost defeated by MB intelligence before it struck back with furious vengeance in increasingly strategically defeating the MB though mass intelligence warfare in close alliance with Israeli intelligence. Turkey is indeed a microcosm of the global intelligence world war between MB intelligence and Israeli intelligence.
Fully voluntary communal reversion to indigenous Alevi-Bektashi Judaism as Plan C will succeed as long as remaining strictly voluntary as communities throughout the broader Middle East certainly do become eager for indigenous communal reversion once informed of their own indigenous heritage and how their ancestors were most tragically deprived of their very indigenous Para-Jewish heritage.
A revolutionary climate will create conditions conducive for societal shift of paradigm and a Rojava-style feminist revolutionary government will need a carefully planned program for attaining the social change which it seeks to implement, including granting independence to unified Kurdistan and transforming Anatolia into a confederation of linguistic states as based on indigenous linguistic revival and as endeavoring to indeed merge with a confederal Media.
With its acceptance of Plan B did the Derin Devlet effectively bury Kemalism and accepted the gradual attainment of Kurdistani independence, yet excepting Zaza/Kurdish Alevi regions which where were intended to become part of Alevistan.
The change would indeed actually constitute a synthesis of Dönmeh sexual liberalism and PKK feminist revolution in phasing out the very religious imperialism which has pained both Dönmeh and Kurds throughout history. The Dönmeh-Kurdish alliance should a become a pillar of Mideast stability in preventing Jihadist civil war. Not only was Abdullah Öcalan ethnically Dönmeh but the PKK’s Israeli partners are Israeli Barzanis whom like Kurdistani Barzanis are themselves Dönmeh Sabbateans. As the Dönmeh-led KDP as dominated by the Sabbatean Barzani family and tribe reconcile with the feminist PKK movement is the Dönmeh-Kurdish alliance being further strengthened as an emerging special relationship much like the Damascus-Rojava alliance is founded on the Alawite-Yezidi fraternal relationship.
Denominations of Mideast Median Judaism need come together in building special relationships of covenantal fraternal relations. The Dönmeh-led Derin Devlet as representing the Alevi-Bektashi community needs to endeavor to build covenantal relationships with Alawites, Druze, Mandeans, Samaritans, Yarsanis and Yezidis as intended to develop into special relationships indeed.
Much as Israeli Kurdish Jews are indeed already playing an essential role in Kurdistan’s essential transformation can Israeli Turkish Jews play an important role in aiding Anatolia’s essential transition to freedom, emancipation and representative governance in sharing democratic knowhow and experience in political application of Jewish ethics. Indeed is Jewish ethics common to the Northern Jurisdiction of Median Judaism in the Mideast and the Southern Jurisdiction of Rabbinic Judaism and Karaite Judaism. It was Jewish ethics which ensured Jewish survival despite centuries of social terror of religious imperialism and adherence to Jewish ethics is indeed the very secret behind the success of the Zionist social revolution. Zionism in fact only succeeded to the degree that it remained faithful to Jewish ethics. It is important to understand that that Rabbinically Jewish ethics and Alevi-Bektashi ethics are essential identical.
The Dönmeh-led Derin Devlet military intelligence agency now represents a wider multiethnic Alevi-Bektashi community that includes native speakers of Albanian, Amiyyah, Armenian, Greek, Kurdish, Ladino, Romani, Turkish, Zazaki and many other languages as natively spoken in Anatolia and so is it essential to keep in mind that what became known as ‘Kemalism’ was from the very beginning a cynical propaganda construct (an intended “noble lie”) as the ethnically highly aware Dönmeh leaders of the Kemalist social revolution hardly believed themselves to be descended from Central Asia.
The Dönmeh-Kurdish reconciliation requires initiating, commencing and building a trilateral special relationship between Anatolia, Israel and Kurdistan. Similar trilateral special relationships need to be built between Israel, Syria and Kurdistan and between Anatolia, Israel and Syria. Israel can certainly strategically help both transform and stabilize the Mideast by helping build more and more such pillars of stability in initiating, commencing and building further such trilateral special relationships in our region.
We the peoples have not only the potential but the actual powers to transform our region from tragic medievalism to indigenous feminist social revolution. By working together across boundaries of state and denomination can we together build enduring ties of fraternity of peoples and thus leave behind the destructive zero sum game of realpolitik long dominating the region and instead commit to and engage in socially transformative democratic realism.
Uniting Anatolia’s pro-democratic opposition is an important part of redeeming our region from sectarian strife by means of a vision-oriented regional paradigm of indigenous reversion and feminist universal emancipation. We the peoples.