Anatolia currently finds itself in a difficult historical period and in a state of turmoil as there is an ongoing domestic and international intelligence war between the Dönmeh-led Derin Devlet military intelligence agency as supported by Israeli and allied intelligence agencies and the AKP regime structure which is part of the global Muslim Brotherhood Saudi Islamist intelligence agency.
Both parties to this intense conflict are sophisticated and well-funded, yet there is no doubt as to the outcome as the Derin Devlet is increasingly emerging victorious indeed. The Derin Devlet has always been in ultimate control over the state ever since its founding in 1923. What is needed however is a vision for both the future and the transition as leading towards a very different future for Anatolia indeed.
Anatolians need become substantially assisted in communally reverting to the indigenous Bektashism of Alevi-Bektashi Judaism of their ancestors who were coercively converted by and to religious imperialism. Indigenous Anatolians generally have an Alevi-Bektashi folk culture irrespective of being Alevi-Bektashi or being descended from coercively Islamized Alevis and Bektashis. Para-Jewish communities as partially lost to religious imperialism and as communally aware of their Crypto-Jewish practices being Jewish in fact do tend to be extremely interested in communally reverting to their own heritage.
Anatolia however is heavily urbanized and as people in the cities marry out of their clans and tribes does this mean that structures of tribe, clan and village cannot be the primary locus and vehicle for communal reversion in urban Anatolia. Mosques in Turkey are however state-owned and since that is the case should these become transformed into feminist Temples of Love as devoted to public ritual sex as inspired by Inanna Temples of Love of ancient Sumer, the world’s first civilization and the origins of Judaism generally. There is no question that devotional participation in feminist public ritual sex will become far more popular than current worship. Muslim religious education in schools need to be supplanted with education about Alevi-Bektashi Judaism and of the Sumerian origin of Judaism generally.
Anatolia crucially also needs linguistic reversion in reverting to indigenous Anatolian languages as well as the Greek and Armenian languages. Not only must Kurdistan become unified and independent indeed but the rest of Anatolia should become a confederation of linguistic states, including Greek Anatolia/East Thrace, West Armenia and a number of linguistic states for revived indigenous Anatolian languages. Linguistic reversion needs to be implemented with the successful methods used for revival of Modern Hebrew and more recently Aramaic in Israel. Once linguistic and communal reversion have been attained need the confederation become dissolved in Greek Anatolia/East Thrace unified with Greece, West Armenia unified with independent Armenia and the Anatolian linguistic states surely all need become independent indeed.
The essential question for the political transition is however how this should be attained without causing Syrian-style Jihadist civil war in Anatolia. While there are different strategic options in this regard is a combination of government crisis, elections, revolution and a military coup (in that order!) on the model of Egypt preferable indeed. A new revolutionary feminist government on the model of feminist Rojava will need to be established in Ankara as fully supported by the Derin Devlet which however should remain discreetly in the background.
The situation in Anatolia is such that democracy cannot be instantly introduced and so communal reversion (including state mosques becoming turned into feminist Temples of Love as devoted to public ritual sex), indigenous linguistic reversion and empowered feminist revolution need to be implemented as preparation for the introduction of open society and representative governance. Unified Kurdistan needs however relatively swiftly be granted independence once the new feminist government has been established. Unified Kurdistan needs a similar revolutionary feminist government and importantly so with essential participation of Israeli Kurds as importantly experienced in Israeli democracy indeed.
The feminist government in Ankara will need to maintain order in that anti-democratic elements such as Islamists cannot be tolerated at all while otherwise offering extensive social and political freedom. This does not mean persecution against individuals holding anti-democratic views but rather that anti-democratic movements must become comprehensively discredited, delegitimized and criminalized indeed. Any and all existing and future anti-democratic organizations whether Islamist or otherwise must therefore become fully illegal by default. The political model of Rojava offers valuable insight although heavily urbanized Anatolia is very different from predominantly rural Rojava and so the new feminist government in Ankara will need to devise its own strategy for the political and social transition as tailored to the existing social situation in Anatolia.
Empowering females and teaching gender science to all is essential as in the successful feminist revolution in Rojava, the first feminist state in world history. Armed feminist paramilitary units need to be recruited and trained even prior to the transition in supplanting the now heavily Islamist and of course as in every country oppressively patriarchal police as part of the change of administration in Anatolia.
Let’s be very clear that feminist revolution is an essential part of Anatolia’s restoration to its indigenous heritage as suppressed by religious imperialism. It’s part of the process and it’s part of the essence of the transition in terms of reversion to the Sumerian gynocentric origins of indigenous Anatolian Alevi-Bektashi Judaism. It is also essential to understand that not only is Dönmeh Judaism ever since the 17th century a constituent component of Alevi-Bektashi Judaism but today’s core Dönmeh community of originally rabbinically Jewish origin has vastly demographically expanded indeed by means of marriage to Dönmeh Alevis and Dönmeh Bektashi under the aegis of the Dönmeh-led Derin Devlet and as approved by the religious leadership of Dönmeh Judaism. The rapidly expanding core Dönmeh community as an intellectual elite community in the country therefore have an essential role to play in this essential transition indeed.
Sufism originated in the Bektashi order as northern Iran and parts of Afghanistan and Central Asia used to be predominantly Alevi-Bektashi as prior to enforced Islamization as Alevi-Bektashi Judaism was originally a denomination of Zoroastrianism which emerged out of the Judaism of Media as brought by the Assyrian-deported Jewish population of the northern Kingdom of Israel. Sufi orders too are certainly important vehicles for communal reversion in that the leaders of Sufi orders are Crypto-Bektashis. Sufi orders need crucially be opened to full and non-segregated participation of persons of all genders and importantly become instrumental in communal reversion and transition to Alevi-Bektashi Judaism, including innovative feminist restoration of Sumerian gynocentrism.
Communal reversion thus needs to take place through state mosques turned into feminist Temples of Love as devoted to public ritual sex, through Sufi orders, through tribes, clans, villages, various communal organizations of civil society as appropriate for this purpose including of course through the various movements of Alevi-Bektashi Judaism such as the Baci female organization which has existed since at least medieval times.
It is essential to understand that there must necessarily be many social loci and organizational vehicles of communal reversion and hence precisely social diversity in paths of communal reversion. Communal reversion and linguistic reversion must however necessarily be performed in such a fashion as constituting actual liberation and indigenous restoration and in no way coercive imposition. Democratic values are essential to this transition so that the peoples of Anatolia will experience the breeze of freedom indeed. It is therefore precisely essential that citizens will experience social liberation through criminalization of public structures of patriarchy such as the police and hence the transition clearly needs to be one of wide social and political freedom and certainly in the definitive and determined direction of comprehensive introduction of representative governance.