Free Kurdistan is in a state of war with the Daesh caliphate, a war that consumes most available financial resources, meaning primarily the fossil fuel export revenues of Free Kurdistan. The economies of Iraqi Kurdistan (Bashur) and Syrian Kurdistan (Rojava) although based on revenues from exports of fossil fuels are however quite different from each other. While the economic development model of Bashur is Dubai is the model for Rojava rather the early socialist Israel’s cooperative war economy in the 1950s. While for many in the PKK movement this is seen as an ideological matter is the current shape of the economy of Rojava simply a matter of necessity considering the current economic isolation of Rojava from the outside world. Bashur’s economic system although modeled on Dubai however increasingly came to resemble the kleptocratic economic system in Saudi Arabia whereby the ruling descent units (i.e. in Badinan/Adiabene the Dönmeh clans) simply appropriated much of the financial economic resources for themselves. While Bashur’s economy has significantly developed despite the institutional kleptocracy is it premised on a tax-free economic system that is simply untenable.
Israel’s former socialist economy however hampered Israel’s economic development for decades and remained in place despite having lost all relevance since Israel was no longer isolated from the outside world. The problem with socialism is its relative inability to embrace innovation and entrepreneurship but that is in fact a structural problem in Capitalism itself where indeed very few actual innovations actually lead to entrepreneurship (most innovations are private ideas that are never documented or publicized) considering the high-risk profile of innovative entrepreneurship generally where the entrepreneur is impossibly supposed to know and understand all as well as possess substantial capital.
What is therefore needed is for Free Kurdistan to make the leap from its current problematic economic structures into the emerging global economic system of Talentism where advanced human individual talent rather than monetary capital increasingly becomes the most important economic resource. Indeed, reliance on export of fossil fuels is unsustainable precisely as solar energy is increasingly economically viable and so almost all other forms of energy production can, must and will indeed be phased out around the world.
Free Kurdistan therefore needs to look at fossil fuel export revenues as something historically temporary on which Free Kurdistan’s economy at some point in time can no longer be based on. What is needed thus is a democratizing educational system that will encourage innovation and facilitate ethical entrepreneurship. Indeed, a generous welfare state requires an economy to tax and so Free Kurdistan needs to make the leap into the future by means of empowering its human population for the new economic era of Talentism that is increasingly supplanting the dying era of Capitalism. Fundamentally refashioning the system of education is thus key for embracing the fundamental cognitive change that comes with shift of fundamental paradigm in the world economy. Indeed the transition can otherwise become extremely economically painful and so leading is certainly not only preferably but also certainly much less economically painful than following.
Leading into the future thus does not mean embracing the dying era of Capitalism but rather embracing the emerging economic system of Talentism that is increasingly replacing Capitalism. This requires not only fundamentally democratizing Kurdish society from below by means of feminism, but requires also embracing fundamental individualization of society with regard to both public and private sectors as most things non-individual will indeed increasingly become supplanted by technology in the economic age of Talentism.
Indeed, this is it not a matter of left or right, meaning 19th century economic ideologies of a completely different economic era. Rather, this is about making the leap into the future and lead rather than merely follow cataclysmic economic change. Indeed, Rojava is a model for the broader Middle East in terms of Rojava’s groundbreaking feminist democratization from below within local villages, clans and tribes. However, Free Kurdistan also needs to lead in other respects, including local communal reversion to Median Judaism but also in terms of leading into the future with respect to the ongoing fundamental shift of paradigm where in fact Israel is far more advanced than any other economy in the world.
The main challenge in making the essential leap into the future is thus to redesign the system of education as based on pedagogic specialization and virtualization and that will importantly also require retraining working adults as well. Indeed, it is a leap for both society and individual as human individuals will indeed struggle to remain cognitively and thus economically relevant and therefore avoiding becoming individually economically redundant in the age of Talentism. As permanent employment will increasingly disappear in the age of Talentism will individuals need to become increasingly narrowly specialized in order so as to avoid becoming individually economically redundant indeed.
Free Kurdistan thus needs not only to become powerful in terms of hard power but also importantly in terms of soft power so that Kurdistan will become a model for others in the broader Middle East just as Israel already increasingly is. Indeed soft power is even more important than hard power in international relations although surely hard power is highly important as well. What is needed therefore is not simplistically creating a synthesis between the economies of Rojava and Bashur but actually leading into the future and projecting soft power by indeed becoming a model for others in the region and around the world.